By Collins Chong Yew Keat
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia: India Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Brunei and Singapore signified the consolidation of the Act East Policy, further strengthening the focus on the Indo Pacific and Southeast Asia as the cornerstone of India’s friendshoring solidification in both containing China and in deepening its presence and foray in the region.
Modi’s visits to Brunei and Singapore from September 3 to 5 were within 100 days of assuming office in his third term, a demonstration of the importance that he has demonstrated in the relations with ASEAN and the Indo-Pacific.
This remains the second chapter of the Act East Policy, in strengthening its reach and depth of the two-pronged returns of technology and energy and geopolitical gains for New Delhi.
In Brunei, Modi sought to increase trade and energy pact, and to advance the historical relationship between the two countries to new heights.
As External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar emphasized, Modi's visit to Brunei and Singapore is a significant advancement in India's Act East policy, reflecting a deepening of diplomatic and economic ties with these Southeast Asian nations.
Both nations have committed to leveraging their respective strengths to foster economic growth and investment capabilities are expected to bolster Brunei's economic diversification efforts.
A free and open Indo Pacific remains a close tenet and synchronisation of India’s own national interests and Act East agenda, but the main priority is to ensure that an expanded friendship based on mutual needs and trust is formed, and that joint threats are faced together in a stronger show of solidarity towards a rules based order and a free and open maritime route based on international law.
The Brunei Visit
Modi’s visit to Brunei was the first-ever bilateral visit by an Indian prime minister to Brunei since it became independent in 1984, and first established diplomatic relations with India in May 1984.
Modi’s bilateral visit to Brunei symbolised a new chapter of ties in the midst of the 40th anniversary of bilateral ties, as both seek to rely more on one another for geopolitical returns.
Modi and Sultan Bolkiah agreed to enhance cooperation on a wide range of issues, including defence, connectivity, trade and investment, energy including renewables, space, ICT, health and pharmaceuticals, education and capacity building, culture, tourism, youth and people-to-people exchanges, as well as regional and international issues of mutual interest.
Brunei is rich with fossil fuels. India is currently energy deficient, and Brunei presents a new domain of energy support for India through supply of liquefied natural gas (LNG) to India.
Both also seek to enhance tourism, business connectivity and expand people-to-people connect between the two countries. It was agreed to intensify defence and maritime cooperation, including regular exchanges of visits, training programmes, joint exercises and visits of naval and coast guard ships between the two countries.
Both leaders seek to reaffirm open, free and inclusive Indo-Pacific. They reaffirmed their commitment to maintaining peace, stability, maritime safety and security, and freedom of navigation and overflight and unimpeded lawful commerce, consistent with international law.
As Brunei faces a new shift in its geopolitical and economic transition intent and capacity, it seeks to diversify its dependence and enhance its new friendshoring efforts mainly in the realm of economic and defence domains.
Facing renewed challenges in the contentious South China Sea claims and with new future volatility in the area with potential escalation in arms races and security dilemma, Brunei sees India as the needed third power that will help to stabilize and to serve as a power balancer.
While Brunei is keen to expedite the economic and energy transition away from the fossil fuel industry, the phases remain contingent upon adequate long term fallback options and capable new power allies and friendship that align with the foreign policy approach of Brunei and in ensuring long term domestic regime security.
India is looking at Brunei as an emerging player in the balancing equation in its Act East Policy, and that its geographical advantage and long term trade returns will enable India to extend its friendshoring flanks beyond Malaysia and Indonesia.
With renewed Chinese consolidation of footprints in South China Sea, with the Ream base and the future implications of the Funan Techo Canal in Cambodia, Brunei sees India as the needed third force that will provide new assurances to the region.
Visit to Singapore
Modi's visit to Singapore ushered in a new era of bilateral relations as the two countries agreed to upgrade their ties to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. This elevated relationship is designed to foster deeper cooperation in key areas such as defense, technology, and economic development.
The visit provided Modi with a new platform to deepen personal rapport with Prime Minister Wong, ensuring that a new chapter of ties will be filled with strategic calculations and returns.
Singapore also complements the new Indian presence stretching from the Nicobar Island chains down to the Straits of Malacca. Already strong in people to people ties and enjoying deep commercial and economic ties, both Singapore and New Delhi have much to gain over common threats and challenges, and both seek to rely more on stronger overall Western counterbalancing forces in the region.
Singapore remains mutually beneficial for New Delhi, especially in the realm of joint technology development, trade and economic advancement. As India is significantly expanding its semiconductor and chips manufacturing and high end transition, it sees Singapore as a complementing factor in advanced technology capacity that will serve as the base and connecting market synergy for India’s rising digital economy and high technology economic transformation.
As in the case of Brunei, bilateral ties with Singapore were upgraded to the level of comprehensive strategic partnership.
Both have identified six pillars (sustainability, digitalisation, skills development, healthcare, advanced manufacturing, and connectivity) for bilateral cooperation.
Enhanced cooperation in defence and security, maritime domain awareness, education, AI, fintech, new technology, science and technology, and knowledge partnership is also in the cards.
The core focus on high technology cooperation is reflected in the MOU in digital technologies in digital public infrastructure, cyber-security, 5G and emerging technologies such as super-computing, quantum computing and artificial intelligence.
Singapore accounts for 10 per cent of global semiconductor output, 5 percent of global fabrication capacity, and 20 percent of semiconductor equipment production. The cooperation in this chips sector will see a greater foray of Singapore’s companies in India, as they seek to capitalise on India’s growing leadership and intent in this field.
Modi marked a new chapter in his array of strategic geopolitical moves over the past few months since his new term, with visits to the region and to Ukraine. All these marked a new frontier of India’s coming to power and sending a clear message to both allies and potential allies and future threats, that New Delhi has its own bargaining chips and pragmatic and strategic flexibility in its strategic neutrality of ensuring the best returns to its national security and interests, based on decades of successful foreign diplomacy and policy based on pragmatism and strategic maneuvering.
*Collins Chong Yew Keat is a Foreign Affairs, Strategy and Security Analyst with Universiti Malaya.*
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