
Source By P Ramasamy
GEORGETOWN, Malaysia: It doesn’t take a doctoral thesis on the sociology of cronyism and nepotism to recognise that Nurul Izzah’s recent victory as Deputy President of PKR was heavily influenced by her status as the daughter of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, the party’s President.
While Nurul enjoys popularity, when it comes to political acumen and strategic capability, she is nowhere near the calibre of Rafizi Ramli—the former Deputy President who has long been regarded as the party’s analytical powerhouse and policy visionary.
Had the delegates to the party election been better schooled in rejecting favouritism and nepotism, the outcome might have been very different. In such a scenario, it’s likely Nurul would have lost to Rafizi.
Anwar may argue that, unlike his wife who was appointed as an advisor, Nurul was elected and therefore her win does not constitute nepotism. But this is a simplistic argument—akin to, as a Tamil proverb says, trying to hide a pumpkin under a heap of cooked rice. The influence of family ties in her victory is too obvious to ignore.
On a level playing field, Nurul had little chance against Rafizi, who is widely respected for his inclusive leadership style and strategic depth. That Rafizi was reduced to political irrelevance in this contest—despite his instrumental role in building PKR and sustaining the reformasi movement—speaks volumes about the rot within.
Let us not forget that it was Rafizi and others like him who injected the reformasi movement with real momentum, shaping it into the political force that eventually brought PKR to power. This betrayal of meritocracy in favour of dynastic preference not only diminishes Rafizi’s contributions, it tarnishes the very ideals reformasi was meant to uphold.
Criticising nepotism does not mean dismissing Nurul’s efforts, particularly her resilience during the period when Anwar was incarcerated on dubious charges. She played a symbolic role. But it would have been wiser—and more credible—for her to defend her vice-presidency, rather than vault straight to the deputy presidency under such controversial circumstances.
Regrettably, Anwar seems to lack the patience to implement a non-partisan and methodical leadership transition. This impatience has fractured internal party morale and further eroded the party’s claim to reformist ideals.
One must now ask: how can reformasi be re-engineered within PKR when nepotism overshadows every leadership decision? The spirit of reformasi has been replaced with something else entirely—perhaps more accurately described as reformati, a parody of its original promise.
Will Rafizi remain in PKR after this humiliation? It’s unclear. His public defeat, engineered not by a better candidate but by the entrenched forces of favouritism, may be too bitter to swallow. Time may heal political wounds, but not when the blow was so deliberately inflicted.
Yet, beyond the party’s internal politics, a greater audience awaits Rafizi. His intellect, his conviction, and his vision for a better Malaysia remain needed more than ever. Though temporarily sidelined, his journey is far from over.
The question is no longer whether PKR can carry the torch of reform—it is whether that torch now needs to be passed to new hands outside the shadow of dynastic politics.
*Prof. Dr. Ramasamy is the Chairman of Urimai and former Penang deputy chief minister II.*
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