By Collins Chong Yew Keat

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia: Saudi Arabia is pushing hard for a new stake in the future of digital and artificial intelligence (AI) driven opening, in the quest to transition from fossil fuel led industry to join the bandwagon of digital revolution.

Various ambitious projects are underway, including a planned US$5 billion data centre in northwest Saudi Arabia near the Red Sea that would provide enough computing capacity for coders even as far as Europe to build artificial intelligence. 

For generations, Saudi Arabia has relied on oil exports as the main lifeline of the economy, and now it wants to shift focus to one of the digital era’s most prized resources, that of computing power.

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman or also known as MBS, is leading the new drive to turn Saudi Arabia’s oil wealth into tech influence, exploiting the opening where few nations can match the kingdom’s cheap energy, deep pockets and open land, which are the very ingredients that tech firms need to operate the vast data centres that are needed to power and operate modern AI.

U.S. tech giants are firmly in the radar of the Saudis. Executives from OpenAI, Google, Qualcomm, Intel and Oracle have attended the country’s Future Investment Summits, and the visit by the Crown Prince to the White House last month further consolidated the new drive. 

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, also known as MbS created Humain in May and has hopes for  it to handle about 6 percent of the world’s AI workload in the coming years. If this is successful, it will rival both China and the US in providing computing power. 

The kingdom is already building three major data centre complexes aimed at foreign companies, in the quest to be a global AI leader. 

However, scepticism prevails as to the efficacy and realistic reliability of the ambitions, especially when rival UAE has similar plans, where Riyadh is trailing in a regional race. UAE has announced  a multibillion dollar project with OpenAI in Abu Dhabi this year. Riyadh’s ties with Beijing also complicates future collaborations with top American AI firms and Washington, wary of Chinese access and influence.

Mohammed has been careful not to pick sides in the U.S.-Chinese tussle, and especially wanted closer ties with President Donald Trump.

The kingdom has deep ties to Trump, while  also welcoming Chinese investment. Saudi Aramco has touted the use of DeepSeek, the Chinese A.I. company, at one of its data centres to boost efficiency.

Mohammed wants to use AI to wield the same influence that his kingdom has enjoyed from oil, his brainchild of Humain, the AI equivalent of Aramco, is the kick starter. 

Humain has struck deals to buy semiconductors from Nvidia, AMD and Qualcomm, and a US$5 billion deal with Amazon to build AI infrastructure. 

To expand infrastructure and centres, electrical power will be critical, and the kingdom is expanding its electrical grid. With all these in place, Riyadh dreams to be the third epicentre after the U.S. and China, banking on its wealth, resources and visionary drive by Mohammed.

Still, the complex balancing move to juggle the concerns and interests of both Washington and Beijing remains the main stumbling block, where sensitive high stakes power game over high end chips remains a delicate risk and balancing game for Riyadh. 

Trump welcomed MBS to the White House with military fanfare, a black-tie dinner, and a stack of bilateral deals. The prince pledged up to $1 trillion in Saudi investment into the U.S. and secured its commitments on various projects from F-35 fighter jets to cutting-edge AI infrastructure.

Mohammed return to Washington symbolises one of the most dramatic image rehabilitations in modern global politics.

Once shunned, the 40-year-old leader has now positions himself as a pivotal and strategic player in  creating a new future for the Middle Eastern region, and has made Saudi Arabia more central to U.S. interests than ever before.

With a modern and non-conventional oil and energy policy with an aggressive tech and investment strategic outline, it is hard for the U.S. to resist the returns and future positive alignment with the country.

Mohammed is also wise to exercise the strategic card by making China as part of the equation, where the message is that any U.S. delay or hesitation would eventually push Riyadh closer to China both in military and tech cooperation and deals, something which Washington would not want.

The visit to the U.S. saw Mohammed walk away with major wins, including getting the F-35 fighter jets, access to advanced U.S. chips and greater economic foothold with investments in the U.S.

China has already become the kingdom’s largest trading partner, while the U.S. remains its main arms supplier and support. Mohammed has also skilfully crafted  a new strategic card, where the message is that if the U.S. intends to maintain and enhance its role and influence, then it can no longer treat Riyadh as a junior partner or a downgraded player.

Washington has been cautious and wary, and a few critical deals have been left out. Chief among  that will be the nuclear deal, where the decision of whether Saudi Arabia will be allowed to enrich uranium will be at stake. This is a red line set up where many in Washington are wary that it could lead to a weapons programme.

A binding defence pact is also not ratified yet, and there are no mutual defence clauses in play.

Despite that, the road ahead for the kingdom is one that of hope and optimism, with a clear message that Saudi Arabia is open for business, anchored by Vision 2030, a blueprint for a new economic plan and a diversification beyond oil. 

The trajectory is clear: Mohammed is not just back in the game, he is dictating new terms of engagement with big powers and is at the helm of the most transformative era of the kingdom to date.

*Collins Chong Yew Keat is a foreign affairs and strategy analyst and author in University of Malaya.*